Merger between Vodfone and Mannesmann

Merger between Vodfone and Mannesmann INTRODUCTION The case on merger between two competing firms- British telecommunication firm, Vodafone Airtouch and German cellular provider, Mannesmann AG- shall be my highlight of this report. In short, this case illustrates a hostile takeover by Vodafone. Vodafone initiates the merger as it sees it as an opportunity for the firm to expand in a rapidly changing communications technology environment in Europe at that point in time. Initially, Mannesmann rejected the proposal. However, in a twist of event, it was eventually left without a choice but to merger with Vodafone. Third parties were enraged as they view this move as anticompetitive. They argued that the merging entity would gain dominant market power, raise barriers to entry and reap economies to scale which they could only dream of. The case was brought forth to the European Commission which only allow for the merger to succeed after Mannesmann de-merge with Orange and also after Vodafone ensured that it will enable third party non-disc riminatory access to the merged entitys integrated network so as to provide advanced mobile services to their respective customers. The Commission viewed these undertakings as sufficient to remove the competition concerns linked to the inability of third parties to provide competitive seamless pan-European mobile services. In this report, Ill analyze the economic benefits, how merger impacts upon consumers and/or producers benefit, as well as, the total welfare. Ill also touch on how merger has the potential to reduce competition and finally, the reasoning of the competition authoritys decision that leads to the success of the merger. ECONOMIC ANALYSIS The merger between Vodafone is Mannesmann is considered to be a horizontal one since both companies operates within telecommunication industry. The merger of the two entities reduces the number of competing firms by one and at the same time, increases the industrial concentration. In theory, a reduction in number of firms competing reduces supply whilst increasing prices of the good which is deemed to be harmful to consumers. The concept of improving/diminishing consumer surplus is further discussed later in the report. It is not always true that fewer firms and higher prices necessarily translate into higher profits for the merging firms. For instance, profitability of each firm is  ¼ in a four-firm industry. So, profits of two individual firms simply add up to  ½. Now, three firms remain after the merger of two. We observe a decline in profitability from  ½ to 1/3 for the merged firms. And although higher industrial concentration improves sales, this increase in sales is not enough to offset the rise in prices charged. Profitability still declines making the merging firms worse off. Thus, charging at price equals to marginal cost provides no incentive to merge unless all firms in the industry merge to form a monopoly. Having mentioned the above, merger doesnt only take place only when all firms merge. In reality, cases such as Vodafone/Mannesmann showed that mergers can lead to cost reduction. The efficiency that arises could be strong enough to drive this merger. Firms will want to produce at the minimum point of the AC curve where theyll be producing efficiently. They avoid duplication of fixed costs when they consolidate management and not employing two people to perform an identical task. By doing so, the firms are able to lower their cost of labour. In addition, both firms are only required to pay a fixed cost such as land and operating facilities, only once after the merger. Effectively, a cost saving of the fixed cost will increase profits, providing an incentive to merge especially when they increase their prices. Hence, the firms may do away with redundant labour, assets and facilities. As we know, a merger would lead to a rise in price as lesser firms are left competing in the industry. Firms are better off with a higher price imposed on consumers and when they gain from higher producer surplus. The opposite applies for consumers who are worse off when prices increase. When the increase in producer surplus outweighs the decrease in consumer surplus, total welfare is said to have increase. However, when the merger reduces marginal cost for Vodafone and Mannesmann, the merged firms may pass on such lower cost to their consumers in the form of lower prices. Lower prices are generally beneficial to consumers. As consumer surplus rise, there will be a subsequent increase in total welfare. Moreover, there might again be cost efficiencies which explain why merged firms can incur a lower marginal cost than the two pre-merger firms. Synergies can be easily exploited between the merging firms. Each firm knows what the other firm is capable of doing and thus, they only produce goods and services that give them the competitive advantage. Overall, a fall in marginal cost would mean cost saving that facilitates profitability. This profitability, in turn, promotes merger. Price, P P2 P1 = C1 C2 Demand, D 0 Q2 Q1 Quantity, Q Figure 1: Diagram illustrating welfare effects of a cost reducing merger (Adapted from lecture slides) From Figure 1, there is no producer surplus when price equals to cost (P1 = C1). Firms are only earning profits while producing at Q1. At this stage, consumer surplus resides in the area under the demand curve and above the C1 horizontal cost curve. After the merger between Vodafone and Mannesmann, lesser firms are left competing and therefore, price increases from P1 to P2. Consumers are gradually worse off with the rise in price. Now, their surplus is reduced to the area under the demand curve and above P2. The area enclosed within P2, P1 and Q2 is the surplus that is transferred from consumer to producer. On the other hand, the triangular areas under the demand curve, but bounded within Q1, Q2 and P1 signifies the deadweight loss. This deadweight loss refers to the surplus that is no longer gained by consumers and producers. Concurrently, there could be synergies between the merging firms that enable cost saving. This cost efficiency lowers cost from C1 to C2. Firms are better off. As shown in Figure 1, the area enclosed within P2, C2 and Q2 represents total producer surplus after the merger. The area within C1, C2 and Q2 is the surplus gained by producers from synergy that render better opportunities to grow margins. Looking at the above, we see that it is beneficial for firms to merge as they incur producer surplus. Total surplus improves as a result of a rise in producer surplus. Moving on, we shall consider competition with regards to the merger between Vodafone and Mannesmann. Assuming that theres no cost saving, a rise in price due to merger will ultimately erode consumer surplus substantially, to a point where losses to consumer outweigh gains to producers. From the producers point of view, this may provide an incentive for them to seek excuses to merge. They may falsify information to convince competition authorities to approve merger. Taking the impact of merger into account, competition authorities have to critically decide on whether to approve a merger especially those which involve large firms like Vodafone and Mannesmann. Such decision process will require them to get hold of accurate information which is not always easy to obtain. One main concerned of competition authorities is the size of the merged firm. Markets dominated by large firms tend to further inflate prices and force down consumers welfare. With reference to the case at hand, competition authorities were initially reluctant to grant merger to both firms. They were concerned that merger between the two large firms will turn out disastrous as they are already producing beyond Q* due to their sheer size. Approving their merger would only mean that these firms operate beyond the MES. Firms that merge at this stage face diseconomies of scale when cost is driven up as they continue to increase output along the AC curve. Cost, C Average Cost, AC MES 0 Q* Quantity, Q Figure 2: Diagram illustrating Minimum Efficient Scale (MES) on the AC curve. Rival firms strongly disapprove Vodafones proposal to merge with Mannesmann as they view the move as being anti-competitive. They argued that the merged entity will be able to provide exclusive services on a seamless basis because the merged entity has the integrated network that such services require. In the proposal, however, Vodafone claimed that if an interconnected network did develop it would not give rise to competition concerns, both because there will be scope for such networks to develop, and because there will be other routes for operators to ensure fair competition within the telecommunication industry. In any event, Vodafone considers that other operators will be in a position to provide seamless services on the same scope in the near future. COMPETITION AUTHORITIES DECISIONS The Commissions investigation has shown that with the complexities involved in agreeing on the modification on the existing network configuration, centralised management solutions and cost and profit allocation will make it exceedingly difficult for third parties to replicate. In addition to the uncertainty as to the replication of the merged entitys network by means of the right combination of mergers, this process would be extremely costly, time consuming and fraught with regulatory delays given the need for regulatory approval. This is supported by the significant number of failures over the past years in building similar solutions in related markets within the framework of joint ventures or strategic alliances. The merged entity would be the only mobile operator able to capture future growth through new customers who would be attracted by the seamless services offered by Vodafone/Mannesmann on its own network. Rival firms which could not offer a comparable service to attract enough market shares will find themselves losing out in the competition. Furthermore, given their inability to replicate the new entitys network, competitors will have, at best, i.e. if they are allowed access to Vodafones network at all, significant costs and performance/quality disadvantages given its dependency on Vodafone/Mannesmann. The merged entitys power to refuse third parties access to the its network or to allow access on terms and conditions entrench the merged entity into a dominant position and diminishes third party offerings. Whats more, customers would generally prefer Vodafone/Mannesmann to other mobile operators given its unrivalled possibility to provide advanced seamless services across Europe. This reinforces the merged entitys position in the industry as a dominant player. And through its unrivalled large customer base and position, Vodafone/Mannesmann will be in a unique bargaining power against handset manufacturers to negotiate design functionalities unavailable to competing operators. Customizing handsets make it more difficult for roamers from competing mobile operators to take advantage of the advanced pan-European services available over Vodafones network. Again, competitors lose out if the merger were to be approved. Upon investigation the Authorities revealed that the merged entity would face stiff competition from other operators and will not enjoy a dominant purchasing power in the long run. They agreed that the merged entity will be a strong buyer in the market for mobile handsets and network equipment, but there remain many other comparable incumbents competing in the market. So, the merged entity would not achieve the necessary buying power to become dominant on the market. In the light of the above the authorities concluded, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ the notified transaction does not lead to the creation or strengthening of a dominant position in the global markets for mobile handset and mobile network equipment as a result of which effective competition would be significant impeded in those markets. Meaning to say, the authorities do not view the merger as a significant threat since its powers would have been neutralized by other relevant competitors within the industry. Further precautions were taken in ensuring fair competition within the industry as seen in the demerger of Orange with Mannesmann. This move aims at diluting the powers of Vodafone and Mannesmann after the approval of their merger. It is a well-received decision as it removes the competitive overlaps in the United Kingdom and Belgian markets of telecommunication services. Besides Vodafone has, on its own account, pledged to enable third party non-discriminatory access to the merger entitys integrated network that includes undertakings which cover exclusive roaming agreements, third parties access to roaming arrangements, third parties access to wholesale arrangements, standards and SIM-cards and a set of implementing measures aimed at ensuring their effectiveness. On top of that, it has proposed to set up a fast track dispute resolution procedure in order to solve disagreements in the mentioned aspects and also to reduce its anticompetitive stance. The undertakings as well as demerger is thought to be justifiable since it eliminates the competition concerns linked to the inability of third parties to provide similar competitive seamless pan-European mobile services. CONCLUSION In conclusion, Vodafones proposal to merge with Mannesmann is seen as an anticompetitive threat to other telecommunication service provider. Rival firms were concerned that the merger would bestow substantial market power to the merged entity. Thus, they were strongly against the merger proposal. However, after much consideration by the competition authorities, they concluded that the merger would not inflict much threat due to the presence of a number of strong, large and powerful buyers in the market which prevent Vodafone/Mannesmann from achieving dominant position on the provision of the related services. Moreover, the demerger of Orange with Mannesmann will erode market power of the merged entity. Furthermore, Vodafone submit undertakings that allow third parties access to its networks. Following the implementation of these undertakings, third parties will be in a position to offer competing advanced pan-European mobile services which also prevent the emergence of a dominant pos ition on the provision of these services. The possibility to offer similar services in competition with Vodafone will, in turn, also develop incentives for third parties to develop competing networks. Therefore, the authorities approved of the merger between Vodafone and Mannesmann. To some extent, I disagree that the merger should be approved. The authorities argument that the presence of comparable incumbents will be sufficient in reducing market power of the merged entity comes across as weak to me. Only few of such incumbents operate within the telecommunication industry. Thus, its influence on the merged entitys market power is almost negligible. Vodafone/Mannesmann could still operate like a monopoly by setting high prices and reducing output while erecting barrier to entry to deter competition. Consumer welfare would be greatly harmed as a result of the merger. On the other hand, I support the merger as it encourages innovations. In todays competitive society, only the strongest emerge as champions. Therefore, rival firms may invest in Research and Development (RD) in creating an innovative communicative technology or network system that gives it a competitive edge over Vodafone/Mannesmann existing resources. This encourages a forward-looking competitive that benefits society as a whole. Producers gain as it may develop ideas to increase efficiency while consumers may gain from perhaps cheaper pricing that is passed on to them from lower production cost incurred by producers. APPENDICES European Competition Commission, http://ec.europa.eu/competition/mergers/cases/decisions/m1795_en.pdf, assessed on 11 November 2010 Kendall (2010), Markets, Competition and Regulation Lecture Notes Session 8: Mergers; and Session 9: Competition Policy Merger Control and Remedies Policy in the E.U and U.S: the case of Telecommunications Mergers, http://www.cerna.ensmp.fr/Documents/GLB-TelecomMergerRemedies.pdf, assessed on 12 November 2010 United Kingdom Competition Commission, http://www.competition-commission.org.uk/rep_pub/reports/2003/475mobilephones.htm#full, accessed on 15 November 2010 Europa Press Release Rapid Commission clears merger between Vodafone Airtouch and Mannesmann AG with conditions, http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=IP/00/373 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/630166.stm, assessed on 16 November 2010

Crime is a complex and evolving concept Essay

Crime is a complex and evolving concept. To what extent can it be explored by focussing on social harm? This essay aims to explore and critically evaluate some of the ways ‘crime’, in both its lawful definition and commonly interpreted definition can be broadened, from context-specific behaviours and explore how social harm may be a useful concept in understanding ‘beyond the border’ of crime (Open University, 2010). Social harm is a ‘disciplinary approach organised around the concept of harm’ (Open University, 2010). This approach encompasses ‘physical harms’ inclusive of ‘premature death’ or ‘ serious injury’, ‘financial and economic harm’, ‘emotional and psychological harm’, ‘ sexual harm’ and ‘cultural safety’ (Open University, 2010). The primary ideology of social harm is to show that the standard notion of harm does not fully include the harms that o rganisations cause globally. The social harm concept is trying to understand the harms that occur within society. It examines the harm that occurs in society and also attempts to understand the sorts of behaviours that cause the greatest level of harm. The way that those harms are both perpetrated, how these harms are viewed from different levels of society both locally and globally (Open University, 2010). ‘Crime’ is thought of as destructive or violent personal acts or behaviours such as drug offences, knife crimes and sexual assaults. In western societies, a typical definition of ‘crime’ is ‘doing something forbidden by law’ (home office, 2007). The limitation of this definition is reliance on the knowledge a crime has been or is being committed and being able to obtain substantial enough evidence to hold a person accountable for their actions. ‘Invisible crimes’ such as ‘abuse, slavery and trafficking’ are overlooked as a focus on ‘street crime’ such as the ‘war on drugs’ is spotlighted (Open University, 2010). It is this stereotypical ‘street crime’ that carries the brunt of attention in both a historical criminological perspective and a general public view on criminality (Open University, 2010). When exploring the legal construction of ‘crime’ Paul Tappan (1947 PG 1 00) defined ‘crime’ as, ‘An international act in violation of criminal law (statutory and case law), committed without defence or excuse and penalised by the state as a felony or misdemeanour’ (Open University, 2010). With this ‘argument taken to its logical conclusion’, there are conditions that have to be fulfilled before any act  can be legally defined as a crime (Open University, 2010). The ‘Act must legally be prohibited at the time it is committed’, the ‘mens rea’ and ‘actus reus’ must be present in the mind of the perpetrator and there must be a pre ‘prescribed punishment for the committal of the act’ (Open University, 2010). Criminal law ‘tends to individualise crime’ although as no crime can be given a punishment unless it has already been deemed a crime it shows considerable ambiguities within the construction of crime itself (Open University, 2010). The powerful and elite both ‘define and evade’ the law locally and globally. It can be argued that ‘crime’ is a social construction created by the powerful for the benefit of the powerful and exploring this in relation to social harm highlighted further imbalances within this framework (Open University, 2010). Acts and behaviours may be more damaging and have far wider consequences although these do not fall under the crimin al spotlight. Eco crime is a crucial example in highlighting the imbalances within the notions of criminology. There is ‘Mounting evidence regarding the perils facing earth’s sustainable development and the causes and consequences of environment threatening events’ (Open University, 2010). All forms of pollutants are ‘key cause of death and disease. Air pollution causes around ‘800.00 (1.2% of total) premature deaths (Cohen et al., 2005). Global warming is referred to as a ‘weapon of mass destruction’ by the IPCC (IPCC,. 2007). As the amount of deaths caused by Eco Crimes is growing, the number of environmental laws are ‘expandng’ (Open University, 2010). ‘Collectivly there are more treaties, protocols, directives and statutes that address environmental issues than any other area of law’ (Open University, 2010). This although is still not sufficient for solving the issues that arise with eco-crime, as cross-cultural regulations and laws lead to ‘major problems’ when trying to reduce ‘cultural harm’ and damage to the environment. The large corporate oil company British Petroleum (BP) has been involved in numerous cases of crimes against the environment. According to a newspaper article, published by The Guardian in December 2007, over ‘200,000 gallons of crude oil’ were released into the ‘wilderness’ in Prudhoe Bay, Alaska (Open University, 2010). This although an act of pollution covered by regulation and law never led to any criminal convictions or personal  accountability. BP were only held responsible for their action in a lawsuit filed by Alaskan officials (Open University, 2010). This highlights a large inconstancy with what we perceive Justice for a criminal act, this, in the western notion of crime usually involves individuals taking responsibility for the actions committed and receiving a punishment in the form of a custodial sentence. Further in the article it details the confirmation of plans that BP had finalised to begin mining oil in ‘Tar Sands’ (Open University, 2010). It is described as ‘the greatest climate crime’ by Green Peace as ‘100m tonnes of greenhouse gasses’ will be admitted into the atmosphere annually and it is said to ‘kill off 147,000 sq km of forest’. Bp accepted responsibility and did not deny the enormous carbon footprint that they would be leaving in the environment, they argued the fact that oil is an amenity that is a crucial part of modern day life and ‘new supplies’ are needed to ‘meet increasing demand for oil products’ (Open University, 2010). This again is an incident of BP severely harming the environment although oil is of high importance within society and it could be argued that ‘provided it is extracted legally’ and safely the side effects and damage to the environment will usually be put down to ‘unavoidable side-effects’ rather than a criminal offence (Open University, 2010). Large corporate companies have been involved in many environmental issues but this is overshadowed by their position of power, in the case of BP it is supply and demand, as the majority of the population in western communities rely on the oil mined for by BP the damage can be overlooked as long as BP are operating in a legal framework for trade. In some cases it has been known that corporate power play a large role in ‘lobbying governments’ in an attempt to challenge regulations and laws that they view are ‘limiting their activity’ (Open University, 2010). Corporations work hard in an attempt to ‘pre-empt’ regulatory routines to ‘avoid legal restriction (Open University, 2010). The ability to apply ‘crimininal law’ to damaging Moreover, harmful activities are problematic. ‘It is difficult, if not impossible to quantify the scale of corporate harm’ although there also lies a problem with pinpointing the source of harm as air pollution can have a global effect. Unless someone is killed as a direct result of contamination that can be traced back to a source there, is no way of defining or controlling boundaries of responsibility. When looking at this from the perspective of social harm it  is clear to see that the level of harm inflicted on people and the environment although wholly unmeasurable is a product of power that affects people on a global level. The concept of crime does not ‘take into account a wider range of conduct’ that defines a behaviour as ‘criminal or not’. A social harm perspective will allow exploration of harms and damage that look beyond the short term benefit to society and take into account the long standing effects that may occur if these acts and behaviours are allowed to be committed (Op en University, 2010). In conclusion, I feel that exploring crime focussing on social harm highlights the ‘space between and within the laws’ in both local and global legal systems. Taking on more of the concepts of social harm will allow for a deeper insight into what effect the corporate power has over the governments and the shaping of laws and regulations. I do not feel that the social harm theory is able to replace the notions of criminology but will aid in exploring the full extent that actions and behaviours have, even if they are committed within an entirely legal framework, on everyone involved and make a fairer and more balanced legal system. References OPEN UNIVERSITY DD301/BOOK 1, MUNCIE, J., TALBOT, D. and WALTERS, R., 2010. Crime: local and global. Chapter 5: Crime, harm and corporate power. Cullompton: Willan Publishing, in association with The Open University. OPEN UNIVERSITY DD301/BOOK 1, MUNCIE, J., TALBOT, D. and WALTERS, R., 2010. Crime: local and global. Chapter 6: Eco Crime. Cullompton: Willan Publishing, in association with The Open University.

Do critical approaches Marxism, feminism, constructivism improve our understanding of international politics?

Abstract In the contemporary era, the application of critical theoretical approaches is of significant importance if one is willing to develop a more comprehensive understanding of international politics and international relations. Theoretical approaches, such as Marxism, Constructivism and Feminism cannot alone provide such an understanding, but their convergence and can significantly contribute to our increased awareness of global inequalities and the dimensions in which they occur by placing emphasis in not only on the relationship between the structure and agency, but also question their very nature and scrutinised the normative codes which guide human agency. Despite some of the limitations which the theories have, their complementary use can be used successfully in order to gain a more critical perspective on the nature of world governance. Introduction In the contemporary era, the application of critical theoretical approaches is of significant importance if one is willing to develop a more comprehensive understanding of international politics and international relations. As this essay will demonstrate, although approaches such as Marxism, Constructivism and Feminism cannot alone provide such an understanding, their complementary use can significantly contribute to our increased awareness of global inequalities and the dimensions in which they occur. Marxism The impact of Marxist theory on the development of critical theorising in international politics is one the significance of which can hardly be denied. Despite this, Marxist theorist have often been accused of not taking into account factors such as nationalism, as well as the balance of power among states in order to sustain and structure world politics (Linklater, 2013). Moreover, Marxist theories in the late 1970s and early 1980s found it increasingly difficult to devise an analytical framework for explaining the relationship of nation-states and violence in period of increased globalisation, characterised by increased national fragmentation, as well the resurgence of violent conflicts based on ethnicity (Giddens, 1985). This can the attributed to the inability of traditional Marxist thought to move beyond theorising about the significance of class conflict and the importance of social relations in terms of modes of production. Despite this flaw, more contemporary neo-Marxist theo rists have attempted to revitalise this critical approach by placing emphasis on the relationships between states, markets and the capitalist world economy in the era of globalisation (Teschke, 2003; Halliday, 1994; Rosenberg, 1994; Gamble, 1999). The application of Marxist thought has increasingly drawn attention to the problem of global inequality which the capitalist system has led to (Wallerstein, 1979; Thomas, 1999; Linklater, 2013). Thus, the importance of modes of production have successfully been utilised in order to challenge the economic discrepancy, which is characteristic of contemporary world markets and question the power relationships which exist between states on the international level. Being mainly preoccupied with material deprivation and inequality, however, Marxism has failed to take into account the norms and values which governance the structures of economics and politics, a question which has preoccupied constructivist theories of international relations. Constructivism By contrast to Marxism, Constructivism places emphasis not only on the importance of material structures, but as well as the normative dimension which is associated with it, as well the importance of identity formation and manifestation (Price and Reus-Smit, 1998). Thus, constructivism attempts to remedy the Marxist’s neglect of the importance of agency and its relationship to structure in the process of devising and implementing decisions related to international politics and relations among states in the era of globalisation (Reus-Smit, 2008).Therefore, Constructivism is complimentary to both more traditional approaches of theorising about international politics, such as Rationalism, as well as more critical approaches such as Marxism (Reus-Smit, 2013). More importantly, the significance of human agency is not deprived from the structure which determines the manifestation of the actor’s interests; in fact it calls for the critical evaluation of the institutionalised n orms which are the mediator between structure and agency. This can be of considerable advantage of understanding the contemporary global inequalities which exists, between countries from the Third World and post-industrialist Western states, as it will question not only the existing states of affairs in international politics, but also the moral dimensions of the reasoning behind it. By placing emphasis on the development of normative frameworks which are used as guides and rationale for the implementation of specific decisions in relation to international politics, Constructivism can successfully scrutinise and ‘moralise’ the power inequality among states and if used alongside neo-Marxist theories it can question both structure and agency. What both fail to take into account, however, is that agency in the era of global inequality also has a specific dimension, a problem which is addressed by Feminism. Feminism By contrast to both Marxism and Constructivism, feminist theories of international politics and international relations took prominence only in the early 1990s, though their impact for the development of the academic disciplines has been considerable (True, 2003). Feminism as an intellectual tradition questioned the very nature of the agency which had an impact on the development of international politics and introduced in the notion of ‘gender’ as an empirical category and analytical tool through which global inequality and unequal power distribution could be understood (True, 2013). Thus, Feminism, alongside Constructivism could be considered as a major breakthrough as both of them questioned the more traditional discourse of power relations and moved beyond the singular focus on inter-state relations that characterised more traditional theories in the field of International Relations (ibid.). Feminist thought has attracted attention to the specific dimensions of globa l inequality, resulting from the transformation of economic world markets. In fact, it has been suggested that the process of globalisation has increased the inequality between men and women worldwide, ultimately resulting in a ‘feminisation of poverty’ (Chant, 2007; Chant, 2008). The increased emphasis on export and outsourcing reflecting the priorities of the global financial markets, have disproportionately affected women (Marchand and Runyan 2010). This rise in inequality and insecurity is also linked to the development of violent conflicts in states where inequality between genders is high (Goldstein, 2003). On the other hand, gender equality in states is said to reduce the likelihood of the use of violence in intra-state disputes (Caprioli, 2005; Caprioli and Boyer, 2001). Therefore, it could be argued that the use of more critical perspectives in theorising about international politics could significantly contribute to our understanding of global politics and cou ld potentially results in less violent conflicts in the future if emphasis is placed on the reduction of global inequality and its gendered dimension. Conclusion As this essay has demonstrated, the critical theories of Marxism, Constructivism and Feminism could further our understanding of the nature of global inequalities by placing emphasis in not only on the relationship between the structure and agency, but also question their very nature and scrutinised the normative codes which guide human agency. Despite some of the limitations which these theories have, their complementary use can be used successfully in order to gain a more critical perspective on the nature of world governance. Bibliography Caprioli, M. (2005). Primed for violence: The role of gender inequality in predicting internal conflict. International Studies Quarterly, 49(2), 161-178. Caprioli, M., & Boyer, M. A. (2001). Gender, violence, and international crisis. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 45(4), 503-518. Chant, S. H. (2007). Gender, generation and poverty: exploring the feminisation of poverty in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Edward Elgar Publishing. Chant, S. (2008). The ‘feminisation of poverty’and the ‘feminisation’of anti-poverty programmes: Room for revision?. The Journal of Development Studies, 44(2), 165-197. Gamble, A. (1999). Marxism after communism: beyond realism and historicism. Review of International Studies, 25(5), 127-144. Giddens, A. (1985). The nation-state and violence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goldstein, J. S. (2003). War and gender: How gender shapes the war system and vice versa. Cambridge University Press. Halliday, F. (1994). Rethinking inte rnational relations. Palgrave Macmillan. Linklater, A. (2013) ‘Marxism’, ’ in Burchill, S., Linklater, A., Devetak, R., Donnelly, J., Paterson, M. Reus-Smit, C. and True, J., Theories of international relations (Fifth edition.). Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Marchand, M. H., & Runyan, A. S. (Eds.). (2010). Gender and Global Restructuring: sightings, sites and resistances. Routledge. Price, R., & Reus-Smit, C. (1998). Dangerous liaisonsCritical international theory and constructivism. European Journal of International Relations, 4(3), 259-294. Reus-Smit, C. (2008). Reading history through constructivist eyes. Millennium-Journal of International Studies, 37(2), 395-414. Reus-Smit, C. (2013).’ Constructivism’(pp. 217-240), ’ in Burchill, S., Linklater, A., Devetak, R., Donnelly, J., Paterson, M. Reus-Smit, C. and True, J., Theories of international relations (Fifth edition.). Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Rosenberg, J. (1994). The empire of civil society (p. 141). London: Verso. Teschke, B. (2003). The myth of 1648: class, geopolitics, and the making of modern international relations. Verso. Thomas, C. (1999). Where is the Third World now?. Review of International Studies, 25(5), 225-244. True, J. (2003). Mainstreaming gender in global public policy. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 5(3), 368-396. True, J. (2013). ‘Feminism’, in Burchill, S., Linklater, A., Devetak, R., Donnelly, J., Paterson, M. Reus Smit, C. and True, J., Theories of international relations (Fifth edition.). Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Wallerstein, I. (Ed.). (1979). The capitalist world-economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Ralph Ellisons novel, Invisible Man. Essay - 746 Words

Ralph Ellisons novel, Invisible Man. The unnamed, main character and narrator of Ralph Ellisons novel, Invisible Man, goes through the story being thrown from one ideology to another in search for a sense of individual truth. The narrator finds that following an ideology does not help him find individualism whatsoever but only confines what he can be. The narrators grandfather gave him his first and most prominent ideology in which he were to follow. Son, after Im gone I want you to keep up the good fight. I never told you, but our life is a war and I have been a traitor all my born days, a spy in the enemys country ever since I give up my gun back in reconstruction. Live with your head in the lions mouth. I want you†¦show more content†¦In this case, its America during the 1940s, African Americans are attempting to find racial equality and identity in a time where white Anglo Saxons wanted keep control of a country which they saw as theirs. The narrators grandfather believes that if blacks act on the white mans commands with a smile, then their oppressor will lose their sense of power, because they will be convinced that the black people enjoy doing their deeds. The grandfather believes the white men will get tired of bossing around a black race that finds joy in service, much like one gets tired of the yessing friend who agrees with everything that is said, it just gets annoying. This is important in the narrators life because this is the first time in his life when he sees a clash in ideologies which leads him through a whirlwind of beings. The narrator is a scholar and has been converted to a religion which tells him that the only way to make something of him is to work hard and to appease the white man. Yet his grandfather has told him to do the exact opposite. Appease the white man, but only play as an actor. The narrator follows this advice, but is not truly sure why, he lingers around him, and it uncontrollably effects his decisions. This uncontrollable conflict causes the narrator to question who he is an individual. He is at a crossroads between what he believes, and what his grandfather has told him to be.Show MoreRelatedThe Issue of Identity Formation Depicted in Ralph Ellisons Novel, Invisible Man966 Words   |  4 Pagesof our identities. The novel Invisible Man, by Ralph Ellison, addresses the issue of identity formation by following the efforts of an invisible man in search of his identity. He considers himself to be â€Å"invisible† because people refuse to see him for his individuality and intelligence..The narrator in the novel Invisible Man is invisible to others and to himself because of effects of racism and the expectations of others. 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